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Teaching history.

Two nights ago, purportedly enraged about what Columbus Day represents, some protesters in Portland, OR, toppled two statues in a city park and vandalized the Oregon Historical Society to the tune of $25.000 or more. Sheer lunacy. OHS has been involved in uncovering and teaching about the history of our state from a progressive perspective, most recently examining in depth the racist roots of so much what has happened in Oregon, including quarterly publications that were frank and unflinching in confronting an ugly past. This year they unveiled a cornerstone exhibit in cooperation with the nine federally recognized OR tribes, called Experience Oregon.

I will not enter the debate of when and whether violence and vandalism ever have a role to play in a struggle where power is unevenly distributed. But I will say, that actions like these – broken windows, fire torches thrown into the building, a mid-centennial quilt by African-American women stolen and left in the wet streets further down the block – undermine a larger struggle that has been heating up in the last few years: the fight for the integrity of history education, historical research, national identity, and collective memory.

If you blindly rage against any kind of “official” site or organization that engages in historical education you provide grist for the mills of those who are really actively trying to constrain and direct the kind of history we all are supposed to accept, and our children are supposed to learn.

There is an ideological divide between those who want to uncover historical truth, however shaming, ugly and unnerving it may be, on the one hand, and those who want to maintain an ideological view of our nation that distorts, white-washes or erases historical truth to be more in line with their preferred mode of operations, some of which include a active program to undermine democracy.

Making it harder for the former, in whatever fashion, vandalism included, plays into the hand of the latter. This is, of course, not just a theoretical consideration. Look at the very real 1776 Commission appointed by Trump with the mission to create a history curriculum for American schools, intended to be “pro-american,” and feared to deliver state-sponsored propaganda averse to true scientific historical research, just like all the other anti-science initiatives of this administration.

Add to this his promise to defund schools that use the 1619 Project (an in-depth exploration by numerous writers and historians of our slavery- defined past presented by the NYT) as well as other curricular platforms that bring attention to historical facts and truths that counter the “official” curriculum, and you put the nation’s collective historical memory under siege, with public education bearing the brunt. 

Let me cite some important words from an insightful article, History Under Siege: Trumpism, Counter-Memory And Schooling by Eric Weiner, which is worth reading both for the facts and his passion about them.

Here are Trump’s words:

“Critical race theory, the 1619 Project, and the crusade against American history is toxic propaganda that if not removed, will dissolve the civic bonds that tie us together. It will destroy our country.”

And here is Weiner’s assessment:

“The Trumpist crusade against American history education needs to be understood against the backdrop of the administration’s recent actions against refugees, Black Lives Matter protestors, Muslims, and working people of all races and ethnicities. All of these actions suggest an administration hell-bent on breaking the civic bonds between whites and blacks; new immigrants and old; Christians, Jews and Muslims; LGBTQ peoples and heterosexuals; and the poor, working and middle-classes. Trumpism is an ideology of disunity, ignorance, and division; it thrives on conflict, dis-information, mis-education, and social chaos.”

We don’t have to add fuel to that chaos by rowdy actions that are politically unwise, providing grist for the mills of those trying to silence the truth.

Music today by Native American Artists in honor of Indigenous People Day!

The piece above is on target…

And here are others that I like.

Decoy

I haven’t touched politics on this blog in a while, partly because my brain’s average speed is slow-motion these days, and partly because I wanted to counterbalance the woes of our world with something more positive, viz. poetry.

However this weekend I came across an article that taught me something new, and I think in the context of Amy Coney Barrett’s Supreme Court nomination and the sly refusal to say the quiet parts out loud by certain members of the current administration and Congress, it’s worthwhile reporting what I learned.

Randall Balmer, an eminent historian of religion who holds the John Phillips Chair in Religion at Dartmouth at Dartmouth College and is also an Episcopalian priest, has extensively written on religious subcultures and politics in the U.S., his most recent book Evangelicalism in America. Much of his work teaches us about the history of evangelicalism and the fact that it was not always allied with the Religious Right, but instead had progressive historical roots which saw a remarkable resurgence in the 1970s, after evangelicals had withdrawn into a more isolated subculture during midcentury, fearing the corruption of their children by the world at large. Last year he wrote,

“evangelicalism, in contrast to the Religious Right, has a long and distinguished history. Evangelicals set the social and political agenda for much of the 19th century. They advocated for the poor and the rights of workers to organize. They supported prison reform and public education. They enlisted in peace crusades and supported women’s equality, including voting rights.”

Here is the, for me, new and interesting fact of how evangelical leaders and the Religious Right joined forces in the 1970s, ousting one of their own, Jimmy Carter, and forming the basis of the movement that in 2016 had sworn allegiance to our current president – 81% – 4 out of 5! – of evangelicals voted for Trump in 2016.

Although Falwell and his minions claim that coalitions were formed around the issue of abortion, the inconvenient truth is that they mobilized politically to defend the tax exemptions of their racially segregated schools, including Bob Jones University. The tale that the U.S. Supreme Court’s 1973 Roe v. Wade ruling outraged enough Christians to the point where they joined the Religious Right, Balmer claims, is just that: a convenient tale around an easily communicable issue of morality. If you look at the early reactions among Evangelicals to the Roe ruling, there was either silence, or approval, or at most mild criticism of the ruling.

Instead, it was another court decision that lead to the jointly organized political power we see on the Right today: it was about segregated schools and their tax exempt status as charitable institutions. In the aftermath of desegregation of public schools, the number of private schools that enrolled only White kids exploded. It was all about keeping Blacks out and preventing White children from being influenced by a worldly culture that questioned traditional norms and the tenet of the separation of the races.

On June 30, 1971, the United States District Court for the District of Columbia issued a ruling Green v. Connally that upheld a new IRS policy instituted by Nixon:

“Under the Internal Revenue Code, properly construed, racially discriminatory private schools are not entitled to the Federal tax exemption provided for charitable, educational institutions, and persons making gifts to such schools are not entitled to the deductions provided in case of gifts to charitable, educational institutions.”

Eventually in 1983, the US Supreme Court, in an 8-1 decision (those were the days) ruled against Bob Jones University as a tax exempt institution. The Moral Majority wouldn’t have it – but was also clever enough to know that it could not run publicly under the banner of racial discrimination. What standard to rally around then? Religious freedom? School prayer? Hey, legalized abortion! The perfect decoy.

If representatives of the Religious Right, of which Barrett surely is one, are to become Supreme Court Judges at a time where racism, racial segregation and voter suppression along the lines of race are central to the body politic, it seems to me that this is what needs to be explored in the nomination proceedings, rather than allowing abortion – and obfuscation on positions regarding abortion – to be dominantly used as a screen issue.

To end on a slightly comforting note, here are some encouraging thoughts, although they might involve a time horizon that is too late for many of us:

Yet that same conservative court majority may also serve to isolate and limit the Republican Party’s appeal in a country growing more racially and religiously diverse. Already, according to Public Religion Research Institute data, fewer than three in 10 adults younger than 30 identify as White Christians. The GOP is installing a court majority whose views may collide explosively over the coming decade with the dominant perspective among millennials, Generation Z and the younger generation behind them on questions ranging from abortion to racial justice, climate change and gay rights. Replacing Ginsburg with Barrett on the Supreme Court represents a triumphant moment for the conservative social and legal movements. But if the court majority cemented by Barrett alienates the rising generations who will represent the nation’s largest voting bloc by the middle of this decade, that judicial victory could turn to electoral ash.

Now why does that bring Actus Tragicus to mind? Bach will help us start the week….

Photographs today are mostly from my outer Sunset working class neighborhood.

The Death of The Heart

On my way to the car I walked by this building on 4th St yesterday, after the announcement that the Grand Jury had not held any officers responsible for the shooting death of Breonna Taylor in her own home.

The words of James Baldwin rang true more than ever.

The stenciled art along the walls only reinforced that sense of despair in view of the cruelty extended to those deemed barely human, subject to slavery and free for the killing.

Henry Box Brown (1816-1889) had himself put in a steamer trunk to escape slavery near Richmond, Virginia and shipped 250 miles via boat, horse-drawn carriage and train to the Philadelphia Anti-Slavery Society. Upon passage of the 1850 Fugitive Slave Law, Brown left the United States for England and worked as a featured speaker in England’s abolitionist circuit.

Emmett Louis Till (1941-1955) was fourteen when he was tortured and killed in Mississippi after allegedly having insulted a white woman (he whistled at a store clerk.) Armed men kidnapped Till, slashed out one of his eyes, and tied a 100-pound cotton gin fan around his neck with barbed wire. Till was severely beaten, shot in the head, and thrown into the Tallahatchie River. Two fishermen found Till’s mutilated and unrecognizable corpse three days later. At a later trial, the all-white, male jury deliberated for only sixty-seven minutes before acquitting the two murderers, the clerk’s husband and his half brother. Historically no jury in the State of Mississippi had ever convicted a white person for killing a black person if the crime involved sexual aggressions towards a white woman. Four months later, Bryant and Milam admitted to the murder to journalist William Bradford Huie for an article that appeared in Look magazine. They received $4,000 for their interview.  

Ada (Mother) Wright fought for justice her two boys, aged 13 and 19, who were among the nine black youths were arrested in 1931 at a place called Paint Rock, Alabama, and accused of the rape of two young white women on board a train from Chattanooga, Tennessee, a charge that was subsequently withdrawn by one of the women. The youths were quickly tried in the nearby town of Scottsboro, pronounced guilty, and sentenced to death. Mother Wright, a poorly educated Southern woman who was a domestic worker and had never spoken publicly, embarked on a tour through Europe to appeal for her sons’ lives. The Scottsboro case, with the help of many progressive organizstions in the US and abroad, made it to the Supreme Court where the death penalty was not upheld, although many of the youths were held and mistreated in prison up to 20 years later.

Marcus Garvey (1887-1940) was a Black nationalist and Pan-Africanist influenced by Booker T. Washington. His program within the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA,) located in Harlem by 1917, resonated with Southern Blacks who fled for the industrial North, returning Black WW I veterans, working class urban Blacks. It focussed on industrial education, economic separatism, but also strict social segregation, which led to his naive belief he could cooperate with the KKK, since both organizations believed in “pure” race. This garnered the wrath of African American leaders and multi civil rights organizations, which led first to imprisonment and eventually to deportation to his place of birth, Jamaica. He never recovered his political fortunes and died in London in 1940.

Bobby Seale (1936-) was a cofounder and Chairman of the Black Panther Party, founder of the War on Poverty program, and one of the Chicago 8 defendants accused of inciting a riot outside of the DNC in 1968. After his arrest, he requested that his trial be delayed so his lawyer could recover from surgery.  When denied a delay he requested that he represent himself, which the presiding judge, Julius Hoffman, also refused.  When Seale made repeated attempts to represent himself in court, Hoffman ordered Seale to be literally bound and gagged.  Hoffman then sentenced Seale to four years in jail for contempt of court.

Today he is a political activist, community organizer and lecturer. Here is an interview with him from 2 months ago. “You cannot fight racism with racism. You have to fight it with solidarity.”

Claudette Colvin (1939-) refused to give up her seat in a bus to a White person 9 months before her more famous compatriot, Rosa Parks, became a cause celèbre. Colvin was promptly arrested, taken to the city jail, and was charged with disturbing the peace, breaking the city’s segregation ordinance, and assaulting policemen. She went to Montgomery juvenile court on March 18, 1955. She was found guilty, sentenced to indefinite probation and made a ward of the State. The conviction started a boycott movement, the Montgomery Bus Boycott. Colvin served as a witness in the eventual Supreme Court Case, Browder v. Gayle, which explicitly overturned Plessy v. Ferguson, ending segregation on buses.

Here is the song played at Baldwin’s funeral.

The Bright Sun was extinguish’d.

Forgive me if my mind wanders even more than usual these days. I used to think of my habit of forming strange and far-reaching connections as an asset; these days associations come unbidden, feeling more intrusive than clever or surprising. Be that as it may, here is the most recent chain of thought, originally triggered by a day of darkness.

Literal darkness, that is, as you can discern yourself when realizing today’s photographs were taken at noon, overlooking San Francisco Bay, some days ago. A darkness likely to have enshrouded the Oregon landscape as well, a consequence of the devastating fires.

It brought to mind Lord Byron’s poem, Darkness, attached below. It was written in the summer of 1816 after the explosion of the Indonesian volcano Mount Tambora in 1815. The eruption killed more than 10,000 people, while an additional 30,000 across the world perished from the crop failures, famine, and disease that resulted from extreme weather triggered by the explosion. Volcanic ash blotted out much of the sun for more than a year, having people believe that the sun was dying. The average global temperature dropped by a whole degree. The poem reads like a prescient description of both climate change and/or the more figurative darkness that surrounds us in these days of the demise of our democracy.

Darkness

BY LORD BYRON (GEORGE GORDON)

I had a dream, which was not all a dream. 
The bright sun was extinguish’d, and the stars 
Did wander darkling in the eternal space, 
Rayless, and pathless, and the icy earth 
Swung blind and blackening in the moonless air; 
Morn came and went—and came, and brought no day, 
And men forgot their passions in the dread 
Of this their desolation; and all hearts 
Were chill’d into a selfish prayer for light: 
And they did live by watchfires—and the thrones, 
The palaces of crowned kings—the huts, 
The habitations of all things which dwell, 
Were burnt for beacons; cities were consum’d, 
And men were gather’d round their blazing homes 
To look once more into each other’s face; 
Happy were those who dwelt within the eye 
Of the volcanos, and their mountain-torch: 
A fearful hope was all the world contain’d; 
Forests were set on fire—but hour by hour 
They fell and faded—and the crackling trunks 
Extinguish’d with a crash—and all was black. 
The brows of men by the despairing light 
Wore an unearthly aspect, as by fits 
The flashes fell upon them; some lay down 
And hid their eyes and wept; and some did rest 
Their chins upon their clenched hands, and smil’d; 
And others hurried to and fro, and fed 
Their funeral piles with fuel, and look’d up 
With mad disquietude on the dull sky, 
The pall of a past world; and then again 
With curses cast them down upon the dust, 
And gnash’d their teeth and howl’d: the wild birds shriek’d 
And, terrified, did flutter on the ground, 
And flap their useless wings; the wildest brutes 
Came tame and tremulous; and vipers crawl’d 
And twin’d themselves among the multitude, 
Hissing, but stingless—they were slain for food. 
And War, which for a moment was no more, 
Did glut himself again: a meal was bought 
With blood, and each sate sullenly apart 
Gorging himself in gloom: no love was left; 
All earth was but one thought—and that was death 
Immediate and inglorious; and the pang 
Of famine fed upon all entrails—men 
Died, and their bones were tombless as their flesh; 
The meagre by the meagre were devour’d, 
Even dogs assail’d their masters, all save one, 
And he was faithful to a corse, and kept 
The birds and beasts and famish’d men at bay, 
Till hunger clung them, or the dropping dead 
Lur’d their lank jaws; himself sought out no food, 
But with a piteous and perpetual moan, 
And a quick desolate cry, licking the hand 
Which answer’d not with a caress—he died. 
The crowd was famish’d by degrees; but two 
Of an enormous city did survive, 
And they were enemies: they met beside 
The dying embers of an altar-place 
Where had been heap’d a mass of holy things 
For an unholy usage; they rak’d up, 
And shivering scrap’d with their cold skeleton hands 
The feeble ashes, and their feeble breath 
Blew for a little life, and made a flame 
Which was a mockery; then they lifted up 
Their eyes as it grew lighter, and beheld 
Each other’s aspects—saw, and shriek’d, and died— 
Even of their mutual hideousness they died, 
Unknowing who he was upon whose brow 
Famine had written Fiend. The world was void, 
The populous and the powerful was a lump, 
Seasonless, herbless, treeless, manless, lifeless— 
A lump of death—a chaos of hard clay. 
The rivers, lakes and ocean all stood still, 
And nothing stirr’d within their silent depths; 
Ships sailorless lay rotting on the sea, 
And their masts fell down piecemeal: as they dropp’d 
They slept on the abyss without a surge— 
The waves were dead; the tides were in their grave, 
The moon, their mistress, had expir’d before; 
The winds were wither’d in the stagnant air, 
And the clouds perish’d; Darkness had no need 
Of aid from them—She was the Universe.

 

________________________________________________________

The poem’s apocalyptic tone was not just caused by the strange, dark weather. Byron himself was at one of the lowest points in his life, his reputation shattered by revelations of his incestuous relationship with a half-sister, and public disclosure of his marital cruelty (he was sexually and emotionally abusive to his partners, men and women alike, throughout his life time.) He left England in disgrace at age 28, never to return again, wracked by debt and alcoholism. He died in exile from illness contracted through exposure to the elements. Notorious to the last, and yet he was a shining star in romantic poetry’s firmament, of bright intensity or intense brightness, your pick.

—————————————————————————————————————-

Notorious is also a term for me, for many of us, prominently associated with RBG. Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, may her memory be a blessing, died last week on the eve of Rosh Hashanah, a bright sun extinguish’d. For all she fought for, trailblazed, conquered, for a life lived with integrity at the opposite end of the spectrum from Byron, she, too was not granted a peaceful death. The very knowledge that her passing would be exploited for yet another power grab by those who care for nothing but, must have weighed heavily for someone ready to be freed from the ravages of cancer and yet clinging to life in hopes of gaining time towards the election. It was not to be.

We must mourn her, and then tend to her legacy by whatever means we have. I find it heartening to be reminded that this is not on individuals alone. If you reread the poem above, look at the lines that signal connectedness – “And men were gather’d round their blazing homes 
To look once more into each other’s face” – we are in this together. Or the lines that point to a future, even if shrouded by fear – “A fearful hope was all the world contain’d.”  And then various descriptions of how people, other than those giving up, acted on that hope.

The poem does not end happily, but rather in desolation. That is a choice, but one the poet himself did ultimately not give into. Byron dreamt of revolutionary changes for the world and actually fought for social justice in his few years in government service. So did Bader Ginsburg in her reckonings with the powers that be. Here are Byron’s words from Canto IV of Childe Harold:

But I have lived, and have not lived in vain:
My mind may lose its force, my blood its fire,
And my frame perish even in conquering pain,
But there is that within me which shall tire
Torture and Time, and breathe when I expire [.]

For the rest of us: let’s tire, if not torture or time, then at least the current President and Senate hellbent on filling a Supreme Court Seat that does not belong to them. Make them weary with an onslaught of action. Exhaust them, weaken them by all means in our repertory. Unless darkness becomes the universe.

Music today uses the words from another Byron poem, She walks in Beauty. Rest in power, RBG. You have not lived in vain.

Hope for the Future

In the dark times/Will there also be singing? Yesthere will also be singing/About the dark times. –Bertholt Brecht, Motto to Svendborg Poems, written in exile in Denmark, 1939.

Some people sing about the dark times with their camera, documenting state imposed cruelty as much as the defiance by those affected. One of those contemporary photographers is Ximena Natera, a Mexican reporter and documentary filmmaker who specializes in migration, human rights violations, peace processes and collective memory in the region. Her work with Pie de Pagina’s investigation unit – they support at risk reporters in conflict zones – has been recognized by Mexico’s National Journalism Award, Gabriel Garcia Márquez Foundation, and Pictures of the Year Latam.

Ximena Natera

She currently lives in Brooklyn, NY, while attending the documentary photography program at the International Center of Photography in New York on a Jan Mulder Scholarship prize.

Ximena Natera

I had known about her work given my interest in issues of migration, but was reminded of her when a recent issue of Mother Jones featured her brilliant portraits of young children who attended Black Lives Matter marches, gatherings and other communal functions.

The photos were taken in the beginning of June, 2020. At that point, no-one would have hesitated to take their children to marches and demonstrations against police brutality and racism, that would take place in city squares, in front of public buildings, the streets of various cities in this nation. They would have been able to sing about the dark times, gaining a collective memory of civic action, learning that each voice counts at a young age.

Ximena Natera

Can you imagine now, with teargas, toxins and other ammunition shot randomly into peacefully protesting crowds of mothers, dads, veterans and nurses, how a child could be traumatized, if not physically hurt? They have to stay home, or do their little neighborhood bike parades which are gratefully happening all over Portland, deprived of large communal experience that would guide them on their path to be engaged citizens. The political implications of the current PDX situation will be far reaching and long lasting. Dark times, indeed.

And yet, seeing the photographs of the NYC kids create pure hope. Hope for a better future.

My own photomontages for today were the results of working at a peace camp with children of all religions some 7 years ago.

Music from the Resistance Revival Chorus singing about the dark times.

All Human Beings

Today the text is the music and the music is the text. The words of the 1948 UN Human Rights Declaration, in their demands for and implicit belief in humanity – the vision of a better and fairer world that is within our reach if we choose it – remind us that we still have a long way to relieve the trauma that millions of people undergo everyday, imposed by cruelty, greed and injustice.

Eleanor Roosevelt, credited with its inspiration, was the chair person of the UN Committee that drafted the document. She referred to the Declaration as the “international Magna Carta for all mankind,” and considered the 30 Articles of the Declaration as her greatest achievement. It was adopted by the United Nations on December 10, 1948. Here is Roosevelt reading the preamble.

Composer Max Richter put her words to music, incorporating her reading of the preamble into a piece called All Human Beings from his new album Voices, to be released by the end of July. He then crowdsourced hundreds of readers of all ages who repeated the words in various languages, interwoven with the music. They are the voices of the title.

Here is an interview with the composer about his approach to music as a conduit for political or philosophical thought and here is a play list of his works broadcast on NPR.

Photographs today are a variety of finches, gold finches, house finches – the male plumage still intense for mating, to produce a second clutch of eggs. Their color comes from pigments in the food they eat, and so varies depending on the quality of the food. The better quality food, the more intense color, the more likely to be chosen as a mate by Ms. Finch….

I chose finches because they range across the entire world – in tune with the United Nations mission. Bunting, canary, cardinal, chaffinch, crossbill, Galapagos finch, goldfinch, grass finch, grosbeak, and sparrow classify as finches.

The function(s) of silence

The dictionary Merriam-Webster gives us a few definitions of silence as a noun:

1: forbearance from speech or noise MUTENESS 

2: absence of sound or noise STILLNESS in the silence of the night

3: absence of mention:a: OBLIVIONOBSCURITY – b: SECRECY weapons research was conducted in silence

or as a verb:


1: 
to compel or reduce to silence STILL//silenced the crowd

2: SUPPRESS //silence dissent

3: to cause to cease hostile firing or criticism// silence the opposition

Silence, in other words, is not just a desirable state to enable contemplation or soothe our stretched nerves. It can also be used to achieve certain communicative goals: keeping a secret (which can be good or bad,) signaling who belongs to certain groups or serving as a means of exclusion, or as manipulation in the service of power. You can be silent because you have nothing to say, or you don’t want to say something or you are not allowed to say something.

There are controlled, calculating silences: The majority of Republican politicians, until yesterday, were silent on the wearing of masks even though all scientific evidence pointed to them as effective in slowing the pandemic. Being silent on the numbers of infected people seems to be a magical tool to make the disease disappear, whether we are talking the President’s proposals regarding testing, or the disappearance of hospital admittance statistics across red states.

Then there are resigned, powerless silences – children who are undergoing traumatic experiences often cease to speak. People who have never been listened to don’t want to waste energy by futilely raising their voices.

Silence is often socially and culturally regulated: who gets to speak first or who does not get to speak at all tells volumes about power hierarchies. There are not many languages who do not have proverbs that allude to the desire to silence chattering women folk, for example. And we can finally put a myth about gossiping women to silent rest: new research shows they don’t do any more of that than men.

Many terms in both German and English connote a critical or negative perspective rather than a positive one: “Shut Up!, wall of silence, I’m lost for words, under the cloak of silence, speechlessness, the silence treatment, shocked into silence, hushing something up. (The German translation for the last one, by the way, is literally “killing with silence,” totschweigen, wanting to make something disappear for good.)

Silence, then, can be political. Some years back, for example, a famous German author, Martin Walser, talked in his acceptance speech for the Peace Prize of the German Book Trade about the “instrumentalization of the Holocaust” and the Nazi concentration camp Auschwitz as a “moral bludgeon.” Let’s no longer talk about it, we feel bombarded! He recommended that Germans withdraw to their own conscience, to a place of “profound inward solitude” and engage in “the withdrawal into themselves.”

All hell broke loose. The solution to return to the individual conscience in order to avoid the public remembering, silencing it, in effect, was not something that sat easily with many people who had worked hard to educate about the Holocaust particularly in light of the rising neo-fascist tendencies in younger generations as well. The Jewish community was mortified, with its then-leader Ignaz Bubis decrying the re-establishment of a scenario which has nourished anti-Semitism for hundreds of years: the revengeful Jew, who doesn’t want to make peace and the poor Christian victim who seeks salvation through his quiet lonely suffering. (Ref.)

Closer to home we have a great many examples of silence in politics to choose from – beginning with Richard Nixon’s invocation of the silent majority in 1969. Or think of the current debate around the persistence of racism in all of its ugly forms. Pence, for example, has not allowed the words Black Lives Matter to cross his lips even if directly asked in interviews. Police departments around the country are silent on crimes committed against Black citizens, until public pressure boils over. The current failure of the Senate to pass pending legislation – The Emmett Till Anti-Lynching Bill – is another example of silence on the part of the American state. No federal law was EVER passed to criminalize the practice of lynching.

The moment of silence that is invoked like clockwork in our age of mass shootings is a tool as well: we do not wish to acknowledge that gun suicides claim more than 20,000 lives in the United States annually; that American women are 11 times more likely to be shot and killed than their counterparts in other high-income countries; that black men account for 6 percent of the U.S. population but half of its gun homicide victims. With its roots in religious practice the gesture seems to indicate that we are helpless to prevent something we’d like to think of as an act of G-d, rather than the outcome of profit motives for the weapons industry combined with structurally racist policies.

Back to the word itself: silence has its etymological root in the latin verb desinere: to cease, stop, desist, abandon. Silence across history has been responsible for abandoning those who needed a voice, their own being stopped. Silence, if you want to reverse the letters, gave license to the abuse of power. Let’s desist.

Photographs today found on a walk along NE 22nd and surrounds.

Music by Sir John Tavener, composed to capture his escape from a near-death experience.

Silence, in so many words.

I like silence, though I am not one of those people who crave it constantly. In fact, one of the pleasures of travel that takes me away from a place where the incessant screeching of crows is the dominant sound in an otherwise quiet environment, is the return to city noise. New York City in particular, a place where I spent many years, greets me with “Ah, this is the noise indeed,” (as well as “Oh, I remember these inescapable, foul smells,”) in ways that provide a bittersweet jolt of familiarity and reminiscence. Different, of course, if you visit, and don’t have to live any longer immersed in the constant barrage of sounds.

Silence is certainly the mode when I work, no background radio for me when writing or creating montage, despite my love for music. Silence was the biggest prize when moving out of shared housing, including boarding school dorms where you could not hear your own inner voice for constant vigilance of what the noises meant across the hall, the whispered ones most dangerous of all. Silence unimpeded by the neighbors in surrounding flats was a gift when finding our house.

Many have written about silence and its nemesis, the bombardment with noise in our culture. The linkage is smartly captured in a book by George Prochnik from a decade ago, In Pursuit of Silence. A comprehensive review can be found here.

But today I want to share descriptions of types of silence that I’ve come across, in hopes they’ll spark recognition and give you as much pleasure as they did for me.

“Not speaking and speaking are both human ways of being in the world, and there are kinds and grades of each. There is the dumb silence of slumber or apathy; the sober silence that goes with a solemn animal face; the fertile silence of awareness, pasturing the soul, whence emerge new thoughts; the alive silence of alert perception, ready to say, “This… this…”; the musical silence that accompanies absorbed activity; the silence of listening to another speak, catching the drift and helping him be clear; the noisy silence of resentment and self-recrimination, loud and subvocal speech but sullen to say it; baffled silence; the silence of peaceful accord with other persons or communion with the cosmos.”

It is somewhat ironic that they were written by a man eulogized in 1973 by journalist Nat Hentoff, his friend and colleague, as Citizen Va – r- ooooooom! The author in question, Paul Goodman, would be one of those people I’d choose to invite to the proverbial lonely island.

Born to a sephardic Jewish family in NYC, he led an intellectual life as rich as they come, and a practical life as poor as they can be endured. His openly lived bisexuality cost him educational status, jobs, group memberships in even the most progressive environments. His anarchist writings did nothing to improve that lot. Fame, or notoriety, you choose, that were accrued in the 1950s as a philosopher of the New Left, a social critic, as co-founder of the Gestalt Therapy movement and psychotherapist, as a novelist and activist, did not extend much beyond his early death from a heart attack.

And yet his writings are especially applicable to our current times. His World War II-era essays on the draft, resisting violence, moral law, and civic duty were re-purposed for youth grappling with the Vietnam War but can be applied to state violence in general. In Growing Up Absurd (1960), he addressed young protesters, really young Americans in general, whom he encouraged to reclaim Thomas Jefferson’s radical democracy as their birthright.  The book was not just about school reform to re-engage disaffected youth, but a reckoning with a political and economic system that used and discarded human beings as pawns. If alive today, he would be a welcome, loud voice indeed, not a proponent of silence.

More on the uses of silence tomorrow.

Photographs today from a place where you commune in silence – collected across cemeteries in Paris, another nicely noisy city.

“Silence is not acoustic. It is a change of mind, a turning around,” composer John Cage once remarked. He was drawn to it in his studies of Zen Buddhism. So it shall be his music for today, the Sonatas and Interludes in a prepared Piano, recently performed in Seattle. For those interested, here is an approachable introduction to the composer and the music. Open your week-end rested brain to the challenge!

Nothing is Easy

I get mail that tells me I make too much use of the bully pulpit and should seduce the reader on an easy slope into hard topics. Noted.

I get mail that urges me to be more straightforward and cut the superfluous trimmings from the message core. Under consideration.

I get mail that compares me to a mindreader, expressing word for word what is a fog of thoughts in someone’s brain. I don’t think so.

I get mail that simply says: Spot on! Makes my heart sing.

On some days, I am told by strangers that they love my work, so glad they stumbled on the blog. Makes my day.

Occasionally I get yelled at. So be it.

Yet all agree I have some quirky habits. One of them is to recommend books to read that I have not (yet) read myself, as you all well know. (There are other, quirkier habits. They include one that I have had since childhood. I leave the cores of apples, religiously consumed as one per day for the last 60-odd years, lying around wherever I drop them, much to the consternation of my mother who called me Appelschnut, a vernacular for “little apple mouth,” and my roommates, lovers, girlfriends, or my husband. Should I ever get lost in the Hänsel and Gretel woods, just follow the trail of pips….

Regarding that unseemly habit, I wouldn’t know the answer to the question: “Why?”

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I do know the reason for the book recommendations, though: I simply do not have enough time to read everything in a timely fashion. When books crop up that tie into something that is of current interest or importance, and if they are recommended by a source I trust, I have no quarrel with putting them up and out there. Who knows, maybe I’ll get mail that tells me they were worth it?!

Case in point was a reminder in our current discussion about race relations and discriminatory treatment, that our educational institutions, as designed, have been at the forefront of keeping race and class in separate corners, perpetuating a division that prohibits young minds to snap out of historically and culturally ingrained patterns of group identity.

An article in yesterday’s Washington Post reported on the results of studies of White students’ attitudes after forced school segregation was ended in Charlotte, NC, in 2002. Students’ views became closer to those of their minority peers, and a significantly smaller proportion registered as Republicans later in life. Exposure to minorities in grade school also affected whether you doubted that they were structurally disadvantage in our society and influenced your choice of room mated during the college years.

The book Cutting SchoolThe Segrenomics of American Education by Noliwe Rooks who is the W.E.B. Du Bois professor of literature and the director of American studies at Cornell University, and was for ten years the associate director of African American studies at Princeton University, paints a larger picture. On the one hand, the book is a personal memoir of living in two very distinct educational environments simultaneous – she alternated between her divorced parents’ households in Florida, with an overwhelmingly white, integrated school, and San Francisco, where her peers were POC or all Black.

 “That experience, and my family history, led me to understand the tremendous influence of the segregated history of American education on our educational present.

In our current moment, the type of education, the quality of the school buildings, the experience of the teachers, and the ability to graduate are vastly different depending on the racial and economic makeup of one’s community. It is apartheid: a system that is, at its core, organized by physically separating racial groups and then privileging one racial group over another (a construct that cannot be disentangled from social class). 

On the other hand, it is a rigorous research study of the historical dynamics of race and class, and contemporary attempts to co-opt educational reform in favor of maintaining double standards and increasing further privatization (often as a means to blur the separation between church and state as well. Here is a verbatim quote ( I found somewhere else) by Betsy de Vos: “Our desire is to confront the culture in ways that will continue to advance God’s kingdom.”)

Rooks’ work came to my attention when I listened to a conversation between Amy Goodman and the author in a radio program about the effects of the pandemic on education. Rooks felt that our current circumstances in some ways shine a light on the inequalities that are already there, with those who are suffering the most tending to be Black and poor. Remote education – the fall-back option after city after city had to close the schools – works for some parts of the population, but not those for whom school meant so much more than just receiving lessons: a place to get fed, wash their clothes, have structure and social services, mental health stability.

In communities where you do not have access to stable, fast Internet, on-line learning is problematic. For many poor people, the internet is accessed through their phones, which means on-line sessions accrue more charges, money they don’t have. And in much on-line learning schools expect parents to hand out lesson plans and facilitate homework assignments beyond the twice-a week 40 minute lectures, which many poor parents are unlikely to be able to do. Home environments also do not facilitate concentration needed for remote learning, if they are cramped or noisy. (Harvard Law asked students worried about these issues to rent office space – no joke!.)

On the college level, the vast majority, well over 60%, of Black and Latinx kids who get BAs do so at community colleges or for-profit universities, not at four-year institutions. There has been little exploration about how these institutions are going to re-open, if at all. What works perhaps at truly wealthy institutions who have funds to spend for prevention and protection, is not going to work at the schools that serve the majority of the population. And we are not even having a national discussion about this.

Nothing is easy. Learning about the historical factors that created and perpetuate unequal education for groups of people in this country, however, might help figuring out what must be urgently re-structured and how we can go about it.

Should all this be thoroughly depressing, the photographs of yesterday’s walk might just be the balancing ticket – the beauty out there cannot be tempered even with the rain-filled skies.

Music today about schooling across several generations.

Filmed in Germany for some reason….

The Need To Learn

When I observe wildflowers, plants and the natural environment around me, I feel joy, a sense of place, being here and being now. When I look at larger vistas, particularly if clouds are involved, I feel longing, a desire to go to places far away, a yearning to be untethered.

(Wouldn’t you know it, my bird watching is in-between – which probably explains the constant avian barrage that you are exposed to in these pages.)

The opportunity to do both on last week’s hike, feeling grounded and dreaming of a world beyond, reminded me of the work of a brilliant young photographer from the Democratic Republic of Congo. (I was introduced to her by Maaza Mengiste, whose book “The Shadow King” I recommended earlier, and whose public postings continually provide new insights.)

Gosette Lubondo is a photographer from Kinshasa who has already found international acclaim in less than a decade of professional work since she received her degree in visual arts from the Academy of Fine Arts in Kinshasa. Lubondo’s most recent series, Tala Ngai, invites viewers to visit with contemporary Congolese women in their own homes, portrayed in the clothes they wear outside of the house, inside of it, and a glimpse of their personal surroundings. It is strikingly intimate, the triptychs almost defiantly capturing this very moment in time, with no explicit nod to the trauma that Congo (formerly Zaire) had to go through with the worst of wars after the yoke of brutal Belgian colonialism.

Books I’ve read about that country, from the horrible Joseph Conrad’s Heart of Darkness, to Barbara Kingsolver’s The Poisonwood Bible, which I liked, have educated me about the history. Tram 83 by Fiston Mwanza Mujila, a remarkable first novel and highly recommended, made an emotional impact. Here is my favorite sentence from a 2015 review:

“Evoking everyone from Brueghel to Henry Miller to Celine, Fiston — as he’s known — plunges us into a world so anarchic it would leave even Ted Cruz begging for more government.”

The photographic work, in contrast, has one overarching appeal: I made me long to get to know those women, creating a desire for connection that is so lacking in our post-colonial world.

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Two of Lubondo’s previous series, created in 2016 and 2018, Imaginary Trip I and II, have more historical pointers and relate back to how I started today’s musing: rootedness versus journey. They combine not just the spatial dimension of travel, near and far, but also propel us into a dimension of time, then and now.

The combination is achieved by manipulating photographs of historical sites, associated with travel (disused train compartments in an old train depot,) or linked to place (an abandoned school building from Congo’s colonial past) from the past, with images of people as they are now or would have been in the respective times and locations. Truly clever.

The work has impressive layers. Independent of the striking visual aesthetics it makes you think about how experience is tied to place (the Belgian colonial oppression was surely one of the most violent in the entire world) and educates about Congolese specifics. On a whole different level, though, it appeals to how much the imagination is involved in travel, in the ability to pick up and go, to leave behind, to become less visible in the distance. She achieves this by often integrating transparent figures or objects into the depictions. And ultimately, the body of work has to be placed within the context of obstacles to migration that are put up against African people by many a nation in the world, regardless of the trauma they experience in countries that are wrecked by civil war, or the exploitation of multinational companies (just look at the Lithium extraction in Congo) that leads to ever increasing levels of deforestation, famine and poverty.

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Knowing about the context – historical, cultural, geographical, political – is here, as so often, a key to understanding the depth of the expressed ideas. The artist’s work was displayed at schools in the DRC to increase students’ understanding of history. Not many of us do, myself included of course, when it comes to countries that are on other continents, outside of our regular information diet.

The same is often true, though, for what is happening right here and now in the US as well: a key to understanding where we are and where we need to move toward is a matter of having contextual insight. An understanding that includes the fact that all of us are affected, not just populations we have kept separate from ourselves. As Stacey Abram’s points out in her new book: “No assault on democracy will ever be limited to its targets.”


And who better to provide the context than Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor in her most recent essay in the New Yorker, How to Change America. If you have time to read one thing today, make it this one.

We need to learn.

Music is from the DCR with a bit of political background. And here is Ferre Gola, a contemporary singer (sorry if ads interrupt…) .